Africa is particularly exposed to the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, as it is heavily dependent on food imports. The President of the African Union, Macky Sall, has taken a neutral stance on the crisis, advocating the release of grain and fertilizer stocks trapped in Ukraine. How does the Russia-Ukraine conflict affect Africa in concrete terms? What role do Africa’s own geopolitical interests play in the positioning of African countries in the face of the war in Ukraine? And is it a real step towards greater African sovereignty? Professor Mame Penda Ba answers these questions.
Although Macky Sall expressed expressed his concern about the war in Ukraine during a meeting with Vladimir Putin in June 2022, like many other African countries, he avoids aligning himself with the West. As a political expert and analyst, did you expect the President’s stance on this situation?
Today, governing is no longer just about forecasting, it’s more about navigating a world of complexities and uncertainties. Managing complexity means working in a context of contradictions and tensions. It means finding simultaneous answers to important but possibly conflicting issues. A clear example of this is the meeting between President Macky Sall and the Russian head of state, the president of a single country, to discuss food security issues for a continent comprising 55 states. The realistic and pragmatic stance of the current Chairman of the African Union is perfectly understandable – and we can even welcome the greater visibility of pan-African diplomacy – when it comes to resolving an immediate and urgent issue, namely the disastrous consequences of blocked grain and fertilizer stocks for African populations and economies.
How do Africans perceive these close economic ties on the food front?
It seems absurd and shocking that African countries should be so dependent on two other nations for food. On a symbolic level, Africans once again felt humiliated, as this is a question of basic human security, and on an economic level we were once again brought face to face with the cruel inefficiency of our public policies. We have all suddenly become aware that our continent is the victim of a conflict taking place over 10,000 km away. We’re seeing soaring commodity prices and difficulties in the agricultural sector because a conflict has broken out in a very remote region. This observation is difficult and painful, because it highlights once again our structural dependence on the outside world, but it is very important that it at least provokes a healthy discussion.
Africa holds 60% of the world’s arable land, yet it fails to feed itself. Why is Africa failing to realize its agricultural potential?
We sell and rent thousands of hectares of arable land that non-Africans exploit to feed their own populations, while our own are among the poorest in the world. We feed on products that are largely exported, and devalue the products of our terroirs. We have land, water and manpower, but no cutting-edge technology. So we’re not free to think outside the box and innovate. And for over sixty years now, we’ve been unable to break out of the vicious circle in which the international system and the absence of a breakthrough political vision have kept us.
Flour, wheat, fertilizers for agriculture. Indeed, the prices of almost all goods have risen, and inflation is climbing relentlessly. What is the main reason for the price surge, and what can be done about it?
Prices are on the rise, mainly due to the increase in the price of hydrocarbons. As a result, the prices of almost all goods are rising, except those produced and processed locally. We urgently need to solve the equation of basic human security on the Continent, and we need welfare states capable of confronting and providing definitive answers to the problems of food security, education, peace, scientific and technological research, and health. These are fundamental rights and human dignity, without which men and women will remain neglected and a formidable breeding ground for revolts and revolutions.
Isn’t Vladimir Putin’s position influenced not only by energy and food issues, but also by geopolitical and security considerations in the Sahel, notably the presence of Russian forces in Mali? forces in Mali?
Absolutely! Africa has entered an era of multiple partnerships, and Russia already carries a lot of weight, and will continue to do so, particularly in the military and security spheres. Russia has become the leading arms supplier to Africa. It’s no longer France or the United States, or even South Africa. Many countries, notably the French-speaking countries of the Sahelian strip and Central Africa, are also now delegating security issues and signing military agreements with Russia. Russia has sent armed contingents, as in Mali. So militarily and strategically, not just economically and politically, Russia is gaining power and developing its presence in Africa. What is happening is extremely important to monitor.
After the recent coup in Burkina Faso, many people took to the streets with Russian flags. In Mali, there are regular pro-Russian demonstrations. How do you explain this growing support for Russia among the African population?
It’s very important to revisit the history of relations between Russia and Africa. It’s important to remember that Russia is a country that has opted for local imperialism, which continues to this day, unlike Western countries such as France or England, which have set up overseas imperialism by leaving their continent to invade Asia, Latin America or Africa. Russia never invaded the African continent, and was one of the countries that supported the decolonization and anti-apartheid movements. In the imagination, this disconnection with capitalist imperialism and its corollary presents Russia as an ally of the Africans. Moreover, for a variety of reasons, Russia has been more discreet in the domestic politics of African nations, less “lesson-giver”.
How can Africa avoid falling into the arms of Russia by creating fatal new dependencies?
Africa must remain vigilant not to repeat the same mistakes, i.e. by allowing asymmetrical relations to develop, based on the extraction of raw materials on the one hand, and humanitarian aid on the other. The narrative of this relationship must be based on real equality, mutual respect and a refusal of the symbolic affronts that African youth can no longer stand (the Africa-France or Africa-Russia summits). Whether it’s Russia or any other country, the Continent’s representatives must be firm in the fact that Africa is not the playground of any foreign power. That no one can continue to wage war on the continent, and that it is no longer a land to be plundered. The terms of international cooperation must henceforth be written by Africans themselves, and they must not negotiate their areas of sovereignty.
What is the responsibility of Western countries for the deterioration of relations with African countries, what mistakes have they made?
COVID could have been an extraordinary opportunity to rebuild international relations between the countries of the North and South in terms of sharing best practices, solidarity and the production of new discourses. Unfortunately, we saw the opposite. We’ve seen how Western states have become embroiled in morbid projections about Africa, and how they’ve turned in on themselves with vaccines. This has shown Africans that Western humanitarianism is insincere, and that as soon as the situation becomes complicated, Africa is nobody’s concern. Africa’s youth is watching and analyzing all this, and feeling that they can only count on themselves. The war in Ukraine has only strengthened this resentment. By way of illustration, the USA and Western Europe mobilized 65 billion in less than 2 months to support Ukraine militarily and economically. In the 10 years since the Sahel conflict began, we haven’t even managed to mobilize 2 billion. For many Africans, things are clear: the world needs Africa’s natural resources, but not Africans, as shown by the violence of migration policies.
What do you recommend to Western partners in the face of this disillusionment with European-African relations?
The sooner Western countries understand the gap that exists between African decision-makers and African youth, the sooner they will understand the urgent need to change their discourse and practices towards Africa. Long-standing and unjust domination is giving rise to African populists, which is what gives rise to anti-French sentiment in the former French empire, for example. We need to make partnership with Africa a serious issue, a national issue for every Western country. Western citizens need to take an interest in what their states are doing on a daily basis and sanction them, otherwise Africans will do it themselves.
The idea of decolonizing relations between states, history and even our vocabularies, is gaining increasing support in African and European countries alike. The concept of decolonization fundamentally questions power structures and aims to rebalance them. Could it become a transformative force for greater African sovereignty?
The issue of decolonization is fundamental, and almost everything is at stake here, because we are still living in colonial-style economies in 2022. African countries are regarded as legal entities with political sovereignty, but in reality, they are not countries “like the others” in the sense that they are not free to build, think, reflect and move forward on their own: structural and external constraints weigh heavily on them, and they are obliged to negotiate with these constraints. However, things are changing, especially at the level of ideas. There are some extremely advanced theories on decolonization, criticizing Western-style universalism, which is racist and patriarchal. There’s a structural racism at world level that considers it “normal” for Africans to be in their subaltern position, and acts as if it were solely their responsibility. Today, the real problem is how decolonial theories can be applied to governance and international institutions. Hence the urgent need for our heads of state to create an educational, economic and entrepreneurial environment capable of taking on board the options proposed in terms of the decolonization of minds and practices. And this is where we expect politicians to help us, because certain changes can only be made on a large scale with their support. There are very specific things that can be done in communities, such as the fact that people can decide to consume locally. But the change needed on a global level is to have responsible heads of state with the courage and integrity to make it happen.
May 25, 2023
by Dr Selly Ba and